Marx was not very woke in some ways. He "privileged" "Western Civilization". And as Lenin pointed out, Marxism is based on German philosophy, French socialism and English political economy. He was frightfully "Eurocentric". So, if he were around today I imagine he would be de-platformed and cancelled.
For Marx, history is a progression based on the development of our technologies and production capacity. The advance from hunter-gathering to agriculture brought class society and civilization. The advance from agriculture to modern industry is giving us the ways and means to create a classless communist society. While this process is unfolding we are enduring an interim period - capitalism - which is the means by which modern industrial society emerges from the horrendously backward conditions of the previous agrarian class society. You do not come out clean when you first emerge from a swamp.
This second advance began in Europe a few centuries ago and has been progressively spreading to the rest of the world. Because the agrarian and interim modern periods are exploitative class societies this process was and is accompanied by considerable brutality and is carried out in fits and starts.
One should certainly oppose present bastardry and attempts to gloss over that performed in the past. However, it is something else to suggest that it would have been better if Europeans had stayed in the Middle Ages and hadn't turned the world upside down in their new-fangled ocean-going sailing ships.
Marx expressed the right approach on a number of occasions. Let's start with a quote from The Communist Manifesto which leaves no doubt about his position:
The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation. The cheap prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image.
Then in a letter to Engels of October 8 1858 he wrote:
The proper task of bourgeois society is the creation of the world market, at least in outline, and of the production based on that market. Since the world is round, the colonisation of California and Australia and the opening up of China and Japan would seem to have completed this process.
In his other writings, Marx supported Europe's colonial conquests, the "process" that got globalization going. In his view Europe was the only source of capitalism which in turn was the necessary precursor of communism. Support for this historical necessity did not prevent him from expressing his disgust at the barbarity and hypocrisy of the Europeans as they went about this conquest nor was he impressed with the tardy pace at which the old societies were being replaced by the new. What he was doing was recognizing capitalism's contradictory nature. Only capitalism can create the conditions for its own demise. So, paradoxically, you have to support it in order to oppose it. In "The British Rule in India" New York Daily News of June 25, 1853, he wrote:
Now, sickening as it must be to human feeling to witness those myriads of industrious patriarchal and inoffensive social organizations disorganized and dissolved into their units, thrown into a sea of woes, and their individual members losing at the same time their ancient form of civilization, and their hereditary means of subsistence, we must not forget that these idyllic village-communities, inoffensive though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental despotism, that they restrained the human mind within the smallest possible compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition, enslaving it beneath traditional rules, depriving it of all grandeur and historical energies. We must not forget the barbarian egotism which, concentrating on some miserable patch of land, had quietly witnessed the ruin of empires, the perpetration of unspeakable cruelties, the massacre of the population of large towns, with no other consideration bestowed upon them than on natural events, itself the helpless prey of any aggressor who deigned to notice it at all. We must not forget that this undignified, stagnatory, and vegetative life, that this passive sort of existence evoked on the other part, in contradistinction, wild, aimless, unbounded forces of destruction and rendered murder itself a religious rite in Hindostan. We must not forget that these little communities were contaminated by distinctions of caste and by slavery, that they subjugated man to external circumstances instead of elevating man the sovereign of circumstances, that they transformed a self-developing social state into never changing natural destiny, and thus brought about a brutalizing worship of nature, exhibiting its degradation in the fact that man, the sovereign of nature, fell down on his knees in adoration of Kanuman, the monkey, and Sabbala, the cow.
England, it is true, in causing a social revolution in Hindostan, was actuated only by the vilest interests, and was stupid in her manner of enforcing them. But that is not the question. The question is, can mankind fulfil its destiny without a fundamental revolution in the social state of Asia? If not, whatever may have been the crimes of England she was the unconscious tool of history in bringing about that revolution.
In "The Future Results of British Rule in India" New York Daily News of August 8, 1853, he makes a similar point:
England has to fulfill a double mission in India: one destructive, the other regenerating - the annihilation of old Asiatic society, and the laying of the material foundation of Western society in Asia.
He expressed the same view when writing about Britain's beastly treatment of China. So that in "Revolution in China and In Europe", New York Daily News, June 14, 1853 we read:
It is almost needless to observe that, in the same measure in which opium has obtained the sovereignty over the Chinese, the Emperor and his staff of pedantic mandarins have become dispossessed of their own sovereignty. It would seem as though history had first to make this whole people drunk before it could rouse them out of their hereditary stupidity. ......
All these dissolving agencies acting together on the finances, the morals, the industry, and political structure of China, received their full development under the English cannon in 1840, which broke down the authority of the Emperor, and forced the Celestial Empire into contact with the terrestrial world. Complete isolation was the prime condition of the preservation of Old China. That isolation having come to a violent end by the medium of England, dissolution must follow as surely as that of any mummy carefully preserved in a hermetically sealed coffin, whenever it is brought into contact with the open air.
Since Marx, history has moved in the direction he foresaw. And if the progress so far is any guide we can expect the end of economic and associated social backwardness during this century. Historically, it will be a blink of an eye, although living through it will be painfully slow.